Personal sanitario y salud en Palestina

By Dr. Sabreena Ghaffar-Siddiqui

Blonde-haired, blue-eyed white people from Ukraine were celebrated for making home-made Molotov cocktails to defend their land, but the brown Arab Muslim, the Iranian, the Afghan, the Palestinian, is far too “uncivilised” to have the right to resist.

Their resistance is “barbaric” because it comes from an inherently “violent” culture.

The selective application of international law and one’s right to defend themselves from illegal occupation and colonial violence has been revealed to be a complete contradiction in the west, and is no doubt infuriating.

But we need to also understand how these “resistance” narratives are processed in communities. These narratives do not stay on our screens.

They shape how entire communities see themselves.

When Indigenous, Black, and other racialised peoples repeatedly see their histories, struggles, cultures, and resistance framed as dangerous, irrational, or inherently violent, many begin to internalise those messages.

Some distance themselves from their own identities in search of safety, acceptance, or legitimacy. Others carry a deep, unspoken rage born from exclusion, dispossession, and the constant demand to prove their humanity.

When people are disconnected from their roots, denied dignity, and taught to be ashamed of where they come from, they will still search for belonging. It’s a basic human need to feel a sense of community.

The question is whether we create spaces that nurture healing, identity, and justice, or leave them vulnerable to finding belonging in places that exploit their pain.

ESPAÑOL

La legitimidad de la resistencia según el color de quien resiste

Las personas blancas de cabello rubio y ojos azules de Ucrania fueron celebradas por fabricar cócteles Molotov caseros para defender su tierra, pero el árabe musulmán moreno, el iraní, el afgano, el palestino, está demasiado “incivilizado” para tener el derecho a resistir.

Su resistencia es “bárbara” porque proviene de una cultura inherentemente “violenta”.

La aplicación selectiva del derecho internacional y del derecho de uno a defenderse de la ocupación ilegal y la violencia colonial ha resultado ser una contradicción total en Occidente, y sin duda es exasperante.

Pero también necesitamos entender cómo se procesan estas narrativas de “resistencia” en las comunidades. Estas narrativas no se quedan en nuestras pantallas. Moldean la forma en que comunidades enteras se ven a sí mismas.

Cuando los pueblos indígenas, negros y otras personas racializadas ven repetidamente sus historias, luchas, culturas y resistencias enmarcadas como peligrosas, irracionales o inherentemente violentas, muchos comienzan a interiorizar esos mensajes.

Algunos se distancian de sus propias identidades en busca de seguridad, aceptación o legitimidad. Otros llevan una profunda e inexpresada rabia nacida de la exclusión, el despojo y la constante demanda de probar su humanidad.

Cuando las personas se desconectan de sus raíces, se les niega la dignidad y se les enseña a avergonzarse de de dónde vienen, aún así buscarán pertenencia.

Es una necesidad humana básica sentir un sentido de comunidad. La pregunta es si creamos espacios que nutran la sanación, la identidad y la justicia, o los dejamos vulnerables a encontrar pertenencia en lugares que explotan su dolor.

EUSKADI Y SUS CONTRATOS CON EMPRESAS DE ÁMBITO ISRAELÍ

GENERAL

Una filial de la israelí ICTS ha vigilado 19 instalaciones públicas vascas y factura 24 millones desde 2019
I-Sec, fundada por exagentes del Shin Bet y de la unidad de seguridad de El Al, ha venido prestando servicios al super-cuartel de la Ertzaintza de Oiartzun, la Academia policial de Arkauti, el centro de internamiento para menores de edad de Zumarraga, Metro Bilbao, puertos pesqueros de Bizkaia, centros de salud de Osakidetza y, vía Aena, el aeropuerto de Loiu. 

Datos técnicos generales aquí.

Respecto a la Ertzaintza adjudicó 22 millones en contratos a empresas israelíes y sus distribuidoras. 3 junio 2026. Un año después de la condena del Parlamento Vasco contra el genocidio en Gaza, el Gobierno Vasco ha seguido adquiriendo productos y servicios israelíes. Lejos de desinvertir y sancionar, mantiene su política de contratación con distribuidoras de firmas fundadas por exagentes del Mossad, con tres expedientes blindados como secretos y las adjudicaciones más cuantiosas firmadas sin concurso abierto. 

EL CASO EN SANIDAD

Osakidetza concentra el otro polo del entramado y es —por detrás de Metro Bilbao y del Departamento de Seguridad— la tercera pata más voluminosa del recuento. La Red de Salud Mental de Bizkaia formalizó el 11 de febrero de 2020 dos lotes del mismo expediente: el Lote 3 del Hospital de Zaldibar, por 612.503,55 euros, y el Lote 4 del Hospital de Zamudio, por 905.848 euros, ambos con una duración prevista de 24 meses. Tres años después, en junio de 2023, la misma RSMB adjudicó dos contratos consecutivos —ambos hoy en modificación— para los centros de salud mental Uribe y Ajuriaguerra, por 33.987,06 euros cada uno, a los que se han incorporado dos prórrogas por contrato (de 16.993,53 y 25.490,30 euros respectivamente).

El Hospital Gorliz adjudicó en 2023 cuatro contratos menores de seguridad a I-Sec por 69.423,32 euros en conjunto, y la entidad foral de Araba Agencia de Desarrollo le entregó dos contratos consecutivos (enero de 2023 y octubre de 2024) por la vigilancia diurna del antiguo Colegio Izarra International College, en el concejo de Beluntza (Araba), por 63.201,52 euros conjuntos.

Mujeres y niñas palestinas sufren abusos brutales en las cárceles israelíes

Por Victoria Brittain. 20 abril 2026
Una vez que te imaginas a colegialas, universitarias, madres, tías y abuelas tumbadas boca abajo con el pijama de la prisión, las manos atadas a la espalda y soldados acechándolas, golpeándolas si se mueven lo más mínimo, ya no puedes olvidar esa imagen. Cuando oyes a una reclusa decir que «no tiene más que su corazón», comprendes de inmediato cómo la cárcel puede destrozar vidas.

El Día de los Presos Palestinos se celebra cada año el 17 de abril para poner de relieve las continuas violaciones de los derechos humanos, y hoy en día las condiciones son peores que nunca. Desde el inicio del genocidio de Gaza, el hambre, el aislamiento, la humillación, los registros al desnudo, la tortura y el miedo abrumador se han convertido en realidades constantes para las mujeres palestinas en las cárceles israelíes.

Más de 700 mujeres palestinas han sido detenidas en la Cisjordania ocupada, Jerusalén Este y Gaza desde que comenzó el genocidio a finales de 2023, según grupos de derechos humanos. Tras sufrir redadas nocturnas en sus hogares o detenciones en puestos de control militares, la mayoría ha sido sometida a abusos físicos y psicológicos tanto durante como después de su detención.

«Todo es diferente respecto a las prisiones de la década de los noventa. Todo cambió con el genocidio», afirmó la abogada Sahar Francis, con sede en Ramala y exdirectora de la organización de defensa de los derechos de los presos Addameer, en un seminario web reciente titulado «Mujeres, prisión, resiliencia». «Ver a personas sin palabras, tras cinco meses de detención en Gaza, y el nivel de abusos, inanición y agresiones físicas, fue muy, muy impactante», afirmó. «Les hemos fallado a los presos. No hemos sido capaces de protegerlos».

Alrededor de 90 palestinos han fallecido bajo custodia israelí desde octubre de 2023, según la Sociedad de Presos Palestinos. Entre ellos se encontraba Walid Khalid Abdullah Ahmed, un muchacho de 17 años.

«El sistema internacional simplemente no funciona… la hipocresía está por todas partes», dijo Francis. «Nosotros, los abogados, somos la única ventana para los detenidos. La gente siente que está perdiendo la esperanza».
Herramientas de control

Durante décadas Addameer ha documentado y llamado la atención sobre las violaciones cometidas en las cárceles israelíes, y sus informes constituyen una referencia clave para las organizaciones de derechos humanos de todo el mundo. Esta labor la ha convertido en un objetivo recurrente del ejército israelí, que ha registrado sus instalaciones en varias ocasiones desde 2002.

En 2021 el Gobierno israelí calificó a Addameer y a otros cinco grupos de defensa de los derechos palestinos como organizaciones «terroristas», una medida que suscitó fuertes críticas internacionales. El año pasado, Addameer fue objeto de sanciones del Tesoro de EE. UU. por supuestos vínculos con el «terrorismo». Todo esto forma parte de una campaña israelí más amplia de dominación violenta. Según la Dra. Samah Saleh, socióloga de la Universidad Nacional An-Najah de Nablus y profesora visitante en la UCLA, Israel lleva mucho tiempo utilizando el hambre y la deshumanización como poderosas herramientas de control.

En el caso de las mujeres sometidas a detención israelí, explicó Saleh en el seminario web, los problemas de salud persisten incluso después de su puesta en libertad. A las reclusas se les niega la posibilidad de ducharse y de llevar ropa limpia, se les priva del sueño y se las alimenta de forma insuficiente, recibiendo a menudo poco más que unos trozos de pan y unas cucharadas de fruta o yogur al día, mientras los ácaros de la sarna se les clavan en la piel.

La investigadora Dalal Bajes, profesora visitante en la Universidad de California en Berkeley y experta en las experiencias de las mujeres palestinas en prisión, afirmó en el seminario web que la detención «les arranca todo». Su trabajo subraya el dramático deterioro de las condiciones desde el inicio del genocidio, en medio de la normalización de «la detención prolongada en régimen de incomunicación, la denegación del acceso a la asistencia letrada y las amenazas de violación».

En un caso documentado por Bajes, la escritora Lama Khatir —que también estuvo encarcelada en 2018-19— describió «un régimen completamente diferente» durante su posterior encarcelamiento tras el 7 de octubre de 2023. «Ya no vivíamos el tiempo; simplemente mirábamos fijamente al vacío», dijo Khatir en un relato publicado por Al Jazeera Media Institute. En su resumen del caso, Bajes señaló que la ausencia de libros, periódicos, noticias o rutinas «transformaba el tiempo en una fuerza opresiva».

Vigilancia digital

Según Bajes, entre 1948 y 1967 las autoridades israelíes detuvieron a unos 100.000 palestinos. El ritmo se intensificó drásticamente en las décadas siguientes, con alrededor de un millón de detenciones registradas entre 1967 y 2021, entre ellas más de 16.000 mujeres.

Hasta el mes pasado 72 mujeres palestinas permanecían recluidas en prisiones israelíes, principalmente en la prisión de Damon, en el norte, según un informe de Addameer y otros grupos defensores de los derechos de los presos. La mayoría fueron detenidas en la Cisjordania ocupada y en Jerusalén.

De estas presas, tres eran menores de edad y 32 eran madres, que en conjunto tenían 130 hijos, según señala el informe. Además, 17 mujeres se encontraban en régimen de detención administrativa, sin cargos ni juicio. Cinco reclusas cumplían condena, la más larga de las cuales era de 16 años, mientras que muchas otras estaban a la espera de juicio.

El informe señalaba que 18 reclusas estaban enfermas, incluidas tres con cáncer. Más de una docena de las que esperaban juicio fueron detenidas por «incitación», un cargo que incluye actividades online como difundir determinados contenidos o el intercambio de opiniones personales. El mundo digital se ha convertido así en un espacio de vigilancia y persecución estrictamente controlado, en el que las autoridades israelíes tienen en el punto de mira a periodistas, activistas y defensores de los derechos humanos.

Los testimonios del informe ponen de relieve las duras condiciones, y una reclusa describe así su traslado a la prisión de Hasharon: «Una soldado […] me llevó a una celda de aislamiento pequeña y sucia en la que no había nada más que un colchón en el suelo, sin manta ni almohada, y un aseo diminuto. Me quedé allí sola durante cuatro días sin que nadie me dirigiera la palabra. Me traían comida fría y en mal estado, y durante esos cuatro días no comí nada».

A algunas mujeres se las detiene para presionar a sus familiares varones. Una de ellas contó a los investigadores que la «interrogaron sin descanso durante 18 días» y que luego la llevaron a ver a su padre, a quien encontró sentado en una silla de interrogatorio con las manos atadas a la espalda. «Cuando entré, me quitaron la venda de los ojos y me ataron las manos delante. Mi padre empezó a llorar mucho al verme», dijo. «Corrí hacia él y lo abracé aunque seguía atada. Él no dejaba de besarme y decirme palabras tranquilizadoras para consolarme… Parecía extremadamente agotado».

Dado que desde el inicio del genocidio se niegan las visitas familiares, solo las escasas visitas de los abogados sirven de vínculo con el mundo exterior para estas prisioneras.

Esta situación exige una protesta pública urgente. El mundo no debe permitir la normalización de esta deshumanización de las mujeres, desde las escolares hasta las abuelas, en las prisiones de Israel.

Victoria Brittain trabajó en The Guardian durante muchos años y ha vivido y trabajado en Washington, Saigón, Argel y Nairobi, además de haber cubierto noticias en numerosos países de África, Asia y Oriente Medio. Es autora de varios libros sobre África y coautora de las memorias de Moazzam Begg sobre Guantánamo, «Enemy Combatant». Es asimismo autora y coautora de dos obras de teatro basadas en testimonios reales sobre Guantánamo; y de «Shadow Lives», sobre las mujeres olvidadas de la guerra contra el terrorismo. Su libro más reciente es «Love and Resistance in the films of Mai Masri».

ENGLISH
OCHA. Palestine.  Humanitarian Situation Report | 1 May 2026
02 May 2026

Contents

    Highlights
    Overview
    Gaza Strip
        Lack of Engine oil and Spare Parts
        Incoming Supplies
        Fuel
    West Bank
        Casualties and Settler Attacks
        Access to Education
        Displacement
        Humanitarian Impacts of Raids and Other Operations
    Funding
    Annexes
        Annex 1: Humanitarian Operations in the Gaza Strip by Cluster

Highlights

    Four months into 2026, just over 10 per cent of the funding required to provide critical humanitarian operations this year has been secured.
    In Gaza, two NGO workers were killed in separate incidents, triggering the suspension of health and water services.
    Restrictions on the entry of generators, engine oil, and spare parts are driving widespread system failures, reducing health and sanitation services, debris removal, and the movement of humanitarian teams.
    In the West Bank, 2026 has so far recorded the highest monthly average of people displaced due to lack-of-permit demolitions in over 17 years for which UN records are available.
    Israeli forces and settlers killed four Palestinians, including two children, between 21 and 27 April, and a Palestinian woman died of injuries sustained during an Israeli operation in 2023.
    Settler attacks on education are increasing pressure on rural families to leave their homes and communities.

Overview

Humanitarian conditions across the Occupied Palestinian Territory remain dire and often life-threatening, while humanitarian action continues to be constrained. Conditions affecting the operating environment range from import restrictions and impeded movement of UN agencies and NGOs into and within the territory, to strikes and other disruptions affecting service delivery. Within overcrowded displacement sites, women consistently report feeling unsafe due to inadequate lighting, which significantly increases gender-based violence risks, especially at night. Meanwhile, funding remains critically low, with less than 10 per cent of the required resources secured so far in 2026.

Gaza Strip

Most people across the Gaza Strip remain displaced, in poor shelter conditions and exposed to rising public health risks linked to pests and rodents, as well as ongoing strikes, shelling, and gunfire. They remain largely confined to less than half of Gaza, unable to access other parts of the Occupied Palestinian Territory, namely the West Bank, or to travel abroad, except for the very small number of patients approved for medical evacuation and their companions.

The second half of April saw continued strikes and exchanges of fire. Many of these incidents occurred in residential areas, resulting in civilian casualties and otherwise affecting civilians and services on which they rely.

On 26 April, an aid worker from the non-government organization (NGO) Ard El Insan was shot and killed in Gaza. In a social media post, Ard El Insan reported that he was killed next to his workplace and during working hours. This NGO provides medical services with support from the Humanitarian Fund, which OCHA manages on behalf of the Humanitarian Coordinator (see the funding section below). The organization says it has suspended services while a security assessment is underway.

On 20 April, an airstrike reportedly hit NGO workers at a water well in Gaza city – killing one person and injuring four others, heavily damaging the well, and triggering the suspension of on-site work. Activities also remain suspended at Al Mansoura filling point, where two civilian truck drivers contracted by UNICEF were killed on 17 April (see last week’s report).

    According to the Water, Sanitation and Hygiene (WASH) Cluster, these suspensions did not immediately lead to a decline in water production. Despite severe constraints, partners have so far been able to offset these setbacks by increasing the volume of water extracted from alternative sources and delivered by truck. However, the WASH Cluster stresses that people’s water needs remain far from being met, with about 60 per cent of families facing difficulties in securing enough clean water.
    Also according to the WASH Cluster, current arrangements are costly and unsustainable, as they depend heavily on items that are scarce or require extensive engagement with the authorities to secure approval for their entry into Gaza (see below). These items include fuel, lubricating oil, generators, consumables, spare parts, and trucks. Equipment is also urgently needed to repair the pipe network, which has been destroyed and is assessed to be at a point of collapse.
    The WASH Cluster estimates that moving water by truck from desalination plants to cover the needs of communities affected by the suspension of activities at Al Mansoura filling point costs an additional US$30,000 per day.

As of 29 April, OCHA had recorded the killing of at least 593 aid workers in Gaza since October 2023, including eight since a ceasefire was announced on 10 October 2025.

Between 13 and 25 April, the UN-led Joint Rapid Distribution Mechanism provided full multi sectoral assistance packages to 14 households, primarily in response to domestic fire incidents. Each package includes a tent or three tarpaulins, nylon rolls, hygiene kits, baby cereal, clothes and bedding items.

Lack of Engine oil and Spare Parts

Restrictions on the entry of essential items – including generators, engine oil, and spare parts for vehicles and rubble‑removal machinery – are having a cumulative and increasingly severe impact on humanitarian operations and service delivery in Gaza. A prolonged shortage of engine oil and spare parts, previously mitigated through reuse, is no longer manageable and critical systems are now failing.

Operational capacity is steadily deteriorating as vehicles and generators break down beyond repair, undermining humanitarian mobility, power supply, and service continuity. The shortage has already disrupted food distributions, water trucking, ambulances, dispatch of educational supplies and the medical cold chain.

The shortage has already led to widespread vehicle and generator breakdowns, directly affecting food collection and distribution and daily bread production. Generator failures are affecting hospitals, including intensive care units.

As of 21 April, only 16 sewage pumping stations out of 73 were operational, resulting in the discharge of approximately 40,000 cubic metres of sewage per day into the sea, residential areas, and groundwater. Debris removal capacity has dropped sharply – from approximately 25,000 tons per day to about 5,000 tons – due to non-functional heavy machinery. Constraints are also affecting armoured vehicles used for field missions and emergency responses, increasing risks for humanitarian staff. Generator limitations are further affecting facilities critical to staff safety, including the 24/7 Gaza Security Operations Centre managed by the UN Department of Safety and Security, which relies on uninterrupted power for security communications and incident monitoring.

Continued delays in allowing the entry of generator oil and spare parts risk a rapid collapse of essential services. Telecommunications infrastructure may further deteriorate, undermining humanitarian coordination, emergency communications, and digital cash assistance, including the functioning of financial service providers. Hundreds of generators, water wells, desalination plants, pumping stations, and tanker fleets are at risk of irreversible failure. Without immediate access to lubricant oil and spare parts, safe drinking water production and trucking may cease, significantly heightening the risk of public health emergencies and disease outbreaks. The few remaining functional agricultural wells and irrigations systems are at risk of shutting down, which could hinder the already fragile resumption of local food production.

Incoming Supplies

Between 21 and 30 April, according to UN 2720 Mechanism data retrieved at 16:00 on 30 April, approximately 21,000 pallets of UN and partners’ aid were offloaded at the Kerem Shalom and Zikim crossings. This brings the total number of pallets offloaded between 1 and 30 April to over 50,300, compared with about 47,500 in March, 54,700 in February, and 58,300 in January.

The lower offload volumes in March were largely attributable to crossing disruptions linked to the regional escalation, with all crossings closed between 28 February and 2 March and Zikim in the north remaining sealed for humanitarian aid collection until 13 April.

With regard to collections, between 1 and 30 April, over 45,700 pallets of UN and partner’s supplies were uplifted into the Strip for further distribution to people in need, including 19,200 in the last nine days.

On the commercial front, data shared by the Gaza Chamber of Commerce with the Cash Working Group suggests that between 20 and 26 April, 397 private sector truckloads were collected into Gaza. The commercial supply chain remains highly volatile. For instance, on 24 April, no commercial truckloads entered and on 21 April, only one entered – according to that dataset. This volatility significantly reduces vendors’ ability to predict restocking capacity. Of the 397 commercial truckloads, 172 reportedly comprised food supplies, 51 shelter materials and 17 hygiene items, while 157 contained commodities classified as “other,” largely non-essential consumer goods such as chocolate-hazelnut spread and instant coffee. Assessments indicate that lower volumes of commercial products are let in, the higher the proportion being of non-essential items – likely driven by higher profit margins for wholesalers.

When assessing markets as a whole, there are growing concerns regarding the availability, quality, diversity, and affordability of non-food items, which are essential for multi-sectoral humanitarian responses.

Regarding prices, potatoes, apples, and cucumbers continue to increase, while most other food commodities have stabilized or begun to decline following the spike linked to the recent regional escalation. Non-food items have shown similar trends of stabilization or gradual price decreases. Nevertheless, both food and non-food prices remain largely unaffordable, with the cost of living calculated at 282 per cent of pre-war levels, alongside daily price fluctuations of up to 10 to 15 per cent.

The UN is only able to confirm the entry of supplies tracked by UN 2720. For further breakdowns of those, see the online UN 2720 Mechanism Dashboard.

For a detailed account of the latest humanitarian operations in Gaza, see Annex 1 below.

Fuel

Between 22 and 29 April, UNOPS facilitated the entry of 730,000 litres of diesel into Gaza and distributed almost 835,000 litres (including from stocks that entered before that period) in support of humanitarian operations.

The following are among the challenges facing fuel entry:

    Information shared between the Israeli authorities, Egyptian authorities, and private sector suppliers is often conflicting. Resulting in lack of clarity and time necessary to verify and adapt, has often consumed the already narrow operating window at the Kerem Shalom crossing.
    Delays are further compounded by the current two-step notification process, which requires formal notification from the Israeli side to the Egyptian side before entry is authorized. Unclear processes regularly add several hours to each convoy and limit operational flexibility.

Inside Gaza, fuel storage capacity remains severely constrained. While UNOPS has identified a viable fuel station with adequate storage capacity, utilizing this fuel station hinges on approval from Israeli authorities, which has been pending for more than one month. Until this location is authorized, limited storage continues to force inefficient, short-cycle resupply movements and increases dependence on daily access through Kerem Shalom.

These storage limitations also affect distribution. Without approved locations to pre-position fuel near areas of high demand, the distribution network remains highly sensitive to minor delays, congestion, or disruptions at currently functioning stations.
West Bank

Across the West Bank, the humanitarian situation continues to deteriorate amid a sustained increase in settler violence, operations by Israeli forces, and movement restrictions. These dynamics are driving casualties, displacement, and damage to homes and critical infrastructure, while further constraining access to livelihoods and essential services, including education. Vulnerable communities – particularly in Area C, East Jerusalem, and refugee camps – are increasingly exposed to a coercive environment that heightens protection risks and drives displacement. Humanitarian partners continue to respond through emergency assistance, protective presence, psychosocial support, and service provision, including efforts to sustain access to education.

Casualties and Settler Attacks

Between 21 and 27 April, Israeli forces shot and killed a Palestinian child in Nablus city during an Israeli forces raid, and Israeli settlers shot and killed three Palestinians, including one child, in two separate incidents in Al Mughayyir and Deir Dibwan both in Ramallah governorate, and injured others, including children; one of these incidents took place in the vicinity of a school during the school day. In addition, a Palestinian woman died of injuries sustained in 2023 during an operation carried out by Israeli forces in Jenin Camp. This brings the total number of Palestinians killed by Israeli forces or settlers in 2026 up to 27 April, to 42, including 10 children and two women.

On 29 April, after the reporting period, in two separate incidents, Israeli forces shot and killed two Palestinians, including one child, in two raids in Ramallah and Hebron governorates.

Al Mughayyir village in Ramallah governorate has been increasingly exposed to recurrent attacks by Israeli settlers, particularly those believed to reside in the Adei Ad and other surrounding settlement outposts, alongside intensified operations carried out by Israeli forces.

    Since mid-2024, the establishment of multiple new settlement outposts in the vicinity, including one in the northwestern part of the village, in Area B, has heightened pressures on the community, also affecting nearby villages such as Khirbet Abu Falah and Turmus’ayya. This has further intensified a coercive environment characterized by recurrent violence, access restrictions, and risks to Palestinian livelihoods – all of which jointly pressure residents to leave their homes and communities.
    Since January 2023, OCHA has documented at least four displacement incidents in Al Mughayyir due to settler attacks, in which a total of 113 Palestinians, including 57 children, were forcibly displaced. These include a large-scale incident in April 2024 that led to the displacement of 86 people following a violent settler attack involving the burning of residential houses, vehicles and agricultural structures, and widespread destruction of property and livelihoods. Subsequent incidents reflect repeated displacement of smaller herding households: in August 2024, two households comprising 10 people were displaced after Israeli settlers set fire to residential tents and damaged donor-funded structures; in January 2025, a herding household of seven people was displaced after Israeli settlers, accompanied by Israeli forces, raided the area, damaged shelters and forced the family to leave under threat; and in February 2026, two herding households comprising 10 people were forcibly displaced after Israeli settlers attacked and damaged their shelters, rendering them uninhabitable.

So far in 2026, OCHA has documented 17 settler attacks affecting Al Mughayyir – an average of about five incidents per month – marking a sustained increase compared with a monthly average of one to two incidents over the preceding three years, and following a sharp escalation in 2025, when about 40 settler attacks resulting in casualties or property damage were recorded. These incidents resulted in Palestinian casualties, widespread property damage, and significant agricultural losses, including the burning and vandalism of cultivated land, the uprooting of olive trees, and the killing of livestock. Incidents that did not cause casualties or damage are not included in this count, although they too are assessed to be part of the coercive environment driving displacement.
   

Since 2017, 11 Palestinians have been killed in Al Mughayyir, including at least six in the context of settler attacks, with a notable concentration of fatalities in recent periods, including four in 2025 and so far in 2026. This reflects a shift not only in the frequency of incidents but also in their severity.

Between 21 and 27 April, at least 57 Palestinians, including seven children, were injured, including 37 by Israeli settlers in settler attacks and 20 by Israeli forces mainly within the context of search operations and other raids by Israeli forces or settlers. Seventy per cent of Palestinians injured by Israeli settles during settler attacks (26 out 37) were reported in two attacks on 21 and 27 April in Beit Imrin and Jalud villages, both in Nablus governorate; Israeli settlers, believed to be from nearby settlement outposts, injured at least 26 Palestinians, including three children, and at least seven houses and four vehicles sustained damage.

During the same period, OCHA documented at least 30 Israeli settler attacks against Palestinians that resulted in casualties, property damage, or both, bringing the total number of attacks since the beginning of 2026 to over 700 in over 200 communities. This is an average of six incidents per day.

Access to Education

Since January 2023, the Education Cluster documented a sustained pattern of Israeli settler attacks affecting education across the West Bank, including raids on schools, vandalism of classrooms and equipment, intimidation of students and teachers, obstruction of access to schools, and damage to related infrastructure. Among 45 fully displaced communities due to recurrent settler attacks and related access restrictions, ten had schools that have been fully abandoned; of these, eight have been vandalized and two were subsequently demolished after being abandoned.

These attacks have affected already vulnerable Bedouin and herding communities in Area C, where schools have been established to serve remote communities. In several cases, attacks have disrupted classes, forced temporary closures, damaged donor-funded facilities, or contributed to the displacement of communities, further undermining children’s access to education. The Education Cluster recently noted that the demolition of Al-Maleh School in Hammamat al Maleh in April followed months of repeated vandalism, theft and attacks, and “effectively ended any remaining possibility of educational access within the community.” The school had served children from surrounding Bedouin communities in the northern Jordan Valley. For further information on this demolition, see last week’s report.

In the northern West Bank, 10 UNRWA school facilities out of 38 in the area face access restrictions. In Jenin Camp, four UNRWA school buildings remain inaccessible. As a result, about 1,600 students have been temporarily relocated to alternative learning spaces outside the camp; these students attend three days of in-person classes per week and one day of remote learning, in line with UNRWA’s current four-day school week due to financial constraints. In Tulkarm Camp, four UNRWA school buildings.

ESPAÑOL

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"Quien se quede hasta el final, contará la historia. Hicimos lo que pudimos, recordadnos", escribió el doctor Mahmoud Abu Nujaila con una caligrafía apresurada y nítida en una de las pizarras de planificación de cirugías del Hospital Al-Awda, en el norte de Gaza. Lo hizo apenas un mes antes de que las bombas silenciaran su voz el 21 de noviembre de 2023.

Desde el comienzo de la ofensiva israelí el 7 de octubre de 2023, en respuesta a los atentados de Hamás, el sistema sanitario gazatí ha sido desmantelado pieza a pieza. En los primeros siete meses de la campaña militar, 32 de los 36 hospitales de la Franja sufrieron daños directos o indirectos, fueron asaltados por el Ejército israelí o quedaron fuera de servicio. En este contexto, la labor médica ha dejado de ser una profesión para convertirse en un acto de rebeldía.

RTVE Noticias publica un documental inédito de Médicos Sin Fronteras (MSF) que revela cómo, a lo largo de estos dos años de ofensiva, los centros de salud y sus profesionales se han convertido en objetivo de guerra. Los equipos de Datos y VerificaRTVE han geolocalizado los impactos y cruzado los registros hospitalarios con los datos de la Organización Mundial de la Salud (OMS) que deja un rastro hasta la fecha, de más de 1.700 sanitarios asesinados. Una realidad que las organizaciones humanitarias consideran que viola sistemáticamente las leyes de la guerra. 

‘I wished for death’: Tortures and sexual violence in Israel’s prisons is an ‘organised state policy’
Palestinian testimonies reveal how sexual violence, including rape using objects and dogs, is approved by 'highest levels' of Israeli leadership
Katherine Hearst 11 April 2026
Sexual torture of Palestinian detainees from Gaza in Israeli prisons is an "organised state policy", endorsed by the "highest, political, military, and judicial authorities", a new report has revealed.

The report, seen exclusively by Middle East Eye, is based on testimonies from Palestinian former prisoners gathered by the rights watchdog Euro-Mediterranean Human Rights Monitor.

It reveals how the scope of sexual violence of Palestinian prisoners, including rape using objects and trained military dogs, constitutes an "organised state policy", aided and abetted by Israeli institutions and leadership.

One former detainee, a 42-year-old woman from north Gaza who was held in the notorious Sde Teiman detention centre, said she was bound naked to a metal table and repeatedly raped by two masked soldiers over the course of two days. 

She recalled that she was left shackled, naked and bleeding throughout the night before the soldiers returned the next day to continue raping her.
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She said she wished for death and likened her experience to "another genocide behind walls".

Throughout her ordeal, she was filmed. Soldiers later showed her the footage while she was hung by her wrists under interrogation, threatening to publish the videos if she did not "cooperate".

Amir, a 35-year-old Palestinian man also held at Sde Teiman, recounted how soldiers forced him to strip naked, before their dogs urinated on him and raped him.

He described how the dog "penetrated my anus in a trained manner while I was being beaten".

"This continued for several minutes. I felt profoundly humiliated and violated."

Khaled Mahajna, an attorney with the Commission of Detainees and Ex-Detainees Affairs, described how a soldier in Sde Teiman inserted a fire extinguisher nozzle into a Palestinian prisoner’s anus and then discharged its contents into his body, resulting in severe internal injuries and intense pain.

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